Copyright May 18, 2004 by Ken Bronson. All rights reserved.
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June 9, 1972
Six months of grass-roots organizing paid off at the state convention of Minnesota's Democratic-Farmer-Labor party (DFL), held June 9-11, 1972. Jack, then 30, was one of six openly-gay delegates who survived both local precinct caucuses and the county unit conventions. Also from Minneapolis was John Preston, 26, co-director of Gay Community Services; and Lowell Williams, 20, and James A. Anderson, both university students. Sporting lavender T-shirts emblazoned with "GAY RIGHTS," these four delegates enlisted two more from St. Paul to form the DFL Gay
Rights Caucus.
Together, they worked the floor.
"We have another bigot with a sticky face."
Caucus members and their supporters approached delegates one on one and asked them to reject the "vague, general, insensitive, apple-pie statement" adopted by the Platform Committee. Instead, they urged, endorse full equality for everyone, including "marriage as a civil contract between any two adults." Such words stirred much controversy, but the arguments of those proud young leaders prevailed by a wide margin.
Senator Walter F. Mondale (D-Minn.) panicked. He was reluctant to meet with the Caucus. When he did relent, it was made clear to him and his staff that a public acknowledgement of gay human rights was required. Otherwise, Caucus members would exercise their right to question him from the floor. Once the Caucus waived its right to do so, Mondale refused to even acknowledge the existence of gay people and their problems during his endorsement speech.
"A request from the DFL Gay Rights Caucus" is the seminal document for an event that transformed the politics of Minnesota and enabled the party to capture - for the first time in history - both houses of the legislature in the next election.
One Caucus member, James A. Anderson, was young and hopeful. Willing to give Mondale "the benefit of any political doubt," he became disillusioned as he watched Mondale not only repudiate the GAY RIGHTS plank but also refuse to represent "our cause." Reluctantly, he agreed with Jack who had labeled the meeting with Mondale "a political maneuver to silence the issue."
Co-opted and deeply resentful, Caucus leaders labeled his performance "an exercise in hypocrisy." Mondale later claimed that he opposed discrimination but, he added, "I must say that I find it difficult to understand or accept the idea of marriage between people of the same sex."
Governor Wendell Anderson was "appalled." Like the Regents and the Dean of the University of Minnesota Law School, he and other party elders feared same-sex love. They denounced the platform and encouraged DFL candidates to threaten their opponents with a lawsuit "if you make any effort to identify me with that." The Osakis Review called the platform "disgusting," while The Dispatch (St. Paul), blamed the "verbal Hell" on the "Yahoos."
Because of the controversy, not in spite of it, the DFL captured - for the first time in history - both houses of the legislature in the November election. What made it even more remarkable was that the victory came mid-term for a homophobic DFL Governor. Such complete control of state government was judged by the Associated Press to be the third top story of the year. Number four on their list was the platform that included the GAY RIGHTS plank.
"Eight of the 12 Regents," Jack said with some measure of accomplishment, "did not survive the new legislature." Each was replaced.
The victory was short-lived, however. "Like the Republicans, the DFL party has never again endorsed full equality for gay men and women," Jack lamented sadly. "Each successor to the Gay Rights Caucus betrayed the spirit of Stonewall . though they now call themselves the `Stonewall DFL'."
"They seem quite content to beg for second-class citizenship, one crumb at a time," Michael added. "That explains why Minnesota had to wait another 21 years for a law to outlaw discrimination against gay people."
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